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- <text id=89TT1443>
- <title>
- June 05, 1989: Reflections On The Revolution In China
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
- June 05, 1989 People Power:Beijing-Moscow
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- ESSAY, Page 90
- Reflections on the Revolution in China
- </hdr><body>
- <p>By Charles Krauthammer
- </p>
- <p> Living as we are through the greatest global democratic
- awakening in history, it is hard not to feel the thrill
- Wordsworth felt when contemplating the French Revolution ("Bliss
- was it in that dawn to be alive/ But to be young was very
- heaven!"). Of course Wordsworth lived to regret it. But there
- will be time for that later. Now is the time to thrill.
- </p>
- <p> At the stunning uprising in China, of course. But it is
- only the latest event in the democratic demarche, which began
- with the Philippines and Korea and has now reached wondrous
- proportions.
- </p>
- <p> In Lithuania the Soviet-installed, Communist-controlled,
- erstwhile puppet parliament votes for independence from the
- Soviet Union.
- </p>
- <p> In Hungary the two wings of the Communist Party are
- fighting over whether upcoming multiparty elections mean the
- Communists will be voted out of power in six years (the
- hard-line position) or sooner (the moderate position).
- </p>
- <p> Argentina is about to witness the first transition of power
- from one popularly elected President to another since 1922,
- though, by electing a Peronist, the Argentines have proved once
- again that democracy is a people's license to act stupidly.
- </p>
- <p> In Chile a 15-year-old dictatorship holds a referendum on
- itself and loses, proving once again that democracy is a
- people's license to act enlightened.
- </p>
- <p> Poland will not only hold free elections for the upper
- house of parliament this month but, in a little noted provision
- of its pact with Solidarity, will also have a popular election
- for President in six years.
- </p>
- <p> With such goings-on, it's hard not to get gushy and to feel
- it a privilege to have lived to witness such a dawn.
- </p>
- <p> I admit to feeling a gush or two of Wordsworthian euphoria.
- Though a drawing of Yuri Andropov graces my office wall (a warm
- reminder of the good old days when The Enemy looked the part),
- I am a cold warrior who does not mourn the passing of the great
- twilight struggle. The cold war made thinking simpler in a
- "four legs good, two legs bad" (the Animal Farm axiom) sort of
- way. But simpler doesn't mean better. There could be no happier
- outcome for the cold war than for us to win it and for old cold
- warriors to face the invigorating challenge of rethinking from
- the ground up what America's role in the world, if any, ought
- to be.
- </p>
- <p> But some of the gushing is getting out of hand. The most
- common bit of mush, endlessly repeated, whether the reporting
- is from China or the Soviet Union or Lithuania, is that once the
- genie of freedom is out of the bottle it can never be put back
- in. This is rank sentimentalism. The idea that somehow, if
- people have tasted freedom, the taste cannot be wrung out of
- them is a fallacy so large it is embarrassing just to hear it.
- Think only of this century. Russia tasted freedom in February
- 1917 and by October had lost it for 70 years. Weimar Germany
- tasted democracy for 14 years; it took Hitler and his storm
- troopers a few months to eradicate it. (Had Hitler not started
- World War II, the taste might to this day not have returned.)
- Hungarians let the genie out in 1956; five days and 5,000 tanks
- later, Khrushchev had stuffed it back in. Twenty-one years ago,
- the Czechs tasted freedom for an afternoon. Tell the Czechs that
- today's "Moscow Spring" is irreversible. Nothing is
- irreversible.
- </p>
- <p> I admit that the genie cannot be put back in the bottle
- forever. Oppression and extermination can repress the will to
- freedom for decades, sometimes generations, but inevitably it
- reappears. That is the lesson we learn from the earthquakes in
- China and the Soviet Union and Lithuania and Poland and Hungary.
- </p>
- <p> The past decade has taught that the classical totalitarian
- theory of the '40s and '50s was wrong. That theory, based on
- Stalin and Hitler as models, made the then quite reasonable
- assumption that modern totalitarianism, harnessed to high
- technology and mechanized power (Stalin was once called Genghis
- Khan with a telephone), had the capacity not only to suppress
- freedom but also to eradicate it. Classical theory postulated
- the brainwashed mind, utterly enslaved through terror and
- manipulation. It supposed the shattered society, its mediating
- structures and competing allegiances (family, church, union)
- destroyed, leaving an atomized individual enslaved to the all
- powerful state.
- </p>
- <p> Not so. We learn that totalitarianism can terrorize
- individuals and shatter civil society, but it cannot change
- human nature. The will to freedom can be suppressed, but
- inevitably it returns.
- </p>
- <p> But to say that the will to freedom cannot be suppressed
- forever is not to say that it cannot be suppressed for a very
- long time. And from the point of view of the individual with a
- finite life-span that is the same as forever. There are many
- Soviets who have lived and died in this century and never known
- freedom of any sort. Yes, the suppression of the Prague Spring
- did not forever abolish the Czech hunger for freedom. But it did
- crush the life of an entire generation.
- </p>
- <p> No one knows where the Chinese revolution is leading. But
- the notion that once a million people have marched in the
- streets, some carrying effigies of the Statue of Liberty, things
- cannot be undone is wishful thinking. History has provided a
- generous supply of Bonapartes and Lenins. Maos too. This is not
- China's first revolution. And even if this one does succeed, it
- will not be the last.
- </p>
- <p> The will to freedom is, of course, a constant of human
- nature. But so is the will to power. And power is intolerant of
- freedom. The drama of today's revolution in China is the contest
- between the two. Neither will is absolute. All victories are
- temporary.
- </p>
- <p> Hail freedom! But precisely now that it is ascendant, do
- not assume that it cannot be sent into long exile. Iran and
- Nicaragua and Cuba are now the exception. But only a minute ago
- they were the rule. They can be again.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
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